Economic Urban Renewal Essay Example for Free

Economic Urban Renewal Essay During Urban renewal, what is in the best interest of the city is sometimes not in the best interest of many people in the City. And what is in the interest of the People is often not in the best interest of the City. Cities, or their disparate parts at varying rates, are always in one natural state of evolution or another: decline or renewal. Community organizations and individuals who have no expertise or experience in modern urban design and renewal have no place influencing the renewal agenda from an official capacity any more than a lawyer should be telling a doctor how to do neurosurgery on a sick patient. Urban Renewal and Design is a challenging and daunting endeavor even for the experts. Modern Renewal does not appease or allow a sense of entitlement by amateurs to meddle in the process from appointed political positions. Community groups with a sophisticated culture of urban economics and design should be invited into the process. A good example of this type of community group is the Design Advocacy Group in Philadelphia. Urban renewal is not a social welfare program. Social programs are already abundantly in existence for the needy in every City. Urban Renewal programs are special events. Urban Renewal programs co-opted by social activists will fail. Social programs masquerading as Renewal will eventually be exposed for what they are, with negative ramifications to follow, possibly inhibiting consideration of another renewal try any time in the foreseeable future. The same goes for political and institutional pork barrel projects masquerading as Renewal or Economic Recovery projects. Usually, the make up of the renewal board itself is a strong predictor of its direction, whether its makeup is weighted in favor of social community activists, politicians or known political cronies, representatives of major city institutions by proxy, or outside experts with no current or previous political or business ties to the region, no local constituency to appease, and with no continuing participation after achieving benchmarks. Even a so-called balanced board, that is, one that gives a seat to a representative of each of the citys major constituent groups, such as the major ethnic, political, business, religious, housing, social categories etc. may be cause for suspicion. These type of boards are mainly constituted to see that each gets its share of the pie, proclaiming unity while each pursues their own vision, going in separate directions while protecting their turf. A balanced board tends to neutralize, diminish and dilute the effectiveness of good plans in the compromising process of wheeling and dealing between groups. A balanced board that provides seats of influence to entitled non-experts is bound to fail. Body Urban renewal programs are historically almost orgiastic opportunities of cronyism and pork barrel corruption. Citizens, the Law and the Press must apply the highest scrutiny. Urban renewal is not a social experiment but a pro-business, free market enabler that attracts new businesses and residents, facilitated by physical redesign. Incentives intended to attract business into a renewal zone that contain local hiring requirements will find limited appeal, since the overwhelming majority of businesses want to be free to hire People based on their qualifications rather than their address. Urbanists recognize that individual economic and residential decisions are based on self-interest, and that successful renewal depends on the cumulative effect of thousands of individual decisions. Cities where community activists have a reputation for strong-arming new businesses will have a difficult time of renewal. The existing state of the City asks at any given moment, Why would anyone choose to live or operate a business here when they have the option to choose another locale? The City may ask the question, but only outside stakeholders can answer it. Urbanists need to identify outside stakeholders and get an accurate picture of what it will take for them to move into the City. Renewal planners must constantly adjust their plans to appease stakeholders outside the City as information suggests. Urban renewal is the removing of blight and creating high density, safe attractive walkable new neighborhoods and shopping districts through policy and design. It is for the immediate benefit of middle and upper class business owners and individuals who will settle and create a sufficient tax base to provide services in the future for all residents. These are shoppers, business owners and residents who do not yet have any presence in the City. In other words, present City residents and businesses must bite the bullet and make sacrifices for current outsiders to accrue future benefits. Every move in this direction speeds up the renewal process. The immediate target constituency for urban renewal programs lay outside the City, not in it. Todays residents will receive future benefits through others that cannot come to fruition any other way. Territorial attitudes and a sense of entitlement that attempt to keep outsiders at bay and keep benefits in will generate no benefits and further isolate Inner City poor from mainstream opportunities. Urban renewal efforts influenced by social service and affordable housing providers will come to resemble a social service program and be a complete turn-off to the regions middle and upper class. Renewal leaders who as politicians had a history of applying short term patches to long term problems, or who have a prior or newly established business relationship with large institutional beneficiaries of renewal funds, will find it hard to build trust with skeptical stakeholders, especially prominent business People with honed analytical skills. The history, business and political ties of Renewal leaders will play a large role as to informing stakeholders’ decisions. Without attracting a viable upper class from the region urban renewal is dead. Often used specious arguments by community activists such as we stayed and stood by the City during its hard times, now we deserve something†¦ is a thinly disguised parasitic, something for nothing attitude. People do not hesitate to move to a better neighborhood when they can. Renewal leaders who succumb to this victimology do the City and its good people a disservice while repelling desirable potential inhabitants. While large historical forces have shaped the American ghetto, this is the context in which some must deal with their problems, not an excuse for failure or benefits beyond the social sector. Life can be hard and harder for some, but Urban Renewal funds are not to be used as welfare funds or for public housing. That is what the local housing and welfare boards, with their separate and historical funding sources are for. Church and state are separate, the effects are happy, and they do not at all interfere with each other: but where they have been confounded together, no tongue nor pen can fully describe the mischiefs that have ensued (McAteer, 1975). No matter how many People attend church or work hard in some cites, it is a lack of architectural cohesion, wasted space in the form of parking lots and vacant lots, vandalism and other property crimes, burglary and thefts, the preponderance of illegal drug markets, violence, blight, rampant anti-social behaviors, tacky shoddy retail shops, gangs, unruly teenagers, school violence, illegitimacy and lack of a skilled and employable populace that creates the profile of a worst case inner City needing attention. These problems in turn lead to a lack of economic and social capital. Churches are valuable institutions in their historical role as spiritual guides, facilitators of personal transformation and, in urban areas, the delivery of social services. Serious Urbanists must ferret out the challenges of a city, divide them between the predictable and fixable (design) and the theoretical (social) and work on them separately, considering the two processes operate on wholly different timelines and practices. Social challenges, whose solutions are purely theoretical with no predictable outcome based on past history, are on a timeline of 20 years ( one generation) to infinity, ( or never, since poverty and its associated pathologies have been in existence on this planet since the beginning of mankind, despite the best intentions of policy makers throughout history. Urbanists should work on what is known and doable within the allotted time, and not engage in risky experimentation that may ruin a window of opportunity, leaving the larger social problems, those beyond which soundly designed built environments can positively effectuate to social theorists. Urban design and physical development is a proven methodology of urban change within a specified period. Desirable outside stakeholders are, almost by definition not in need of church social services. Therefore, churches should be considered in the social and theoretical People side of the renewal equation. Urbanists must be careful to avoid The Seattle Process, that is, the civic inclination to seek so much public input and consider so many sides of an argument that nothing actually gets done. A good Urbanist begins an operation with the same singular confidence of a surgeon opening a patient’s chest. Like a good doctor, a good Urbanist persuades a patient as to what is necessary for health, does not let the patient write his own prescriptions, and gains the patients trust and cooperation for the patients own good. Church organizations often become a default local government in dysfunctional cities, securing government and philanthropic contracts and fees to provide social services. Rather than being content with the compensation and intrinsic rewards for doing good works, when renewal funds become available, churches often subsume renewal efforts into their mission, demanding a cut of the economic pie, a seat at the political table, and influence to engineer social outcomes through shaky experimental theories. Too often opportunistic ministers, both storefront and traditional, subordinate their historical role to become real estate developers in the profitable non-profit housing industry. Successful at supplanting market oriented Licensed Planners in master-planning neighborhoods, whole areas are taken off the market and are assigned for low-income housing development and rehabilitation to benefit owners and tenants who cannot afford or dont maintain their properties. This does not correct the underlying problem, the inability of poor residents to maintain their properties, and resets to the beginning the deterioration cycle, which leads inevitably to another tax payer bailout. Churches also attempt to insert themselves as the moral arbiters of what the City should be, conflicting with equally legitimate visions of other stakeholders. Urbanist should not mediate the competing visions of others, but should know what the course of action is and concentrate on their own vision. Urbanist must take command of the situation. Only church organizations that understand the economics and design necessary to attract outsiders into the City should be part of the renewal team. No more than one, if any, church seat on the board should be allowed, which represents the aggregate voice of the City religious institutions, and only those institutions that understand outside stakeholder interests. This is a concept familiar to all People of faith and can contribute to renewal success. The board presence and influence of City churches without any renewal expertise beyond low-income housing services should be as limited as their experience. Urban renewal is difficult enough without allowing fake experts on board. A healthy adversarial relationship between social activists and Urbanists should be acknowledged. The basis for this differentiation is the recognition that the City also consists of buildings, streets, infrastructure, related public services and utilities such as street and sewer service, architecture, physical neighborhood design cohesion and allure, special districts, location and transportation assets, zoning laws, tax assessment considerations, finance, business attraction strategies, public relations, marketing activities and more that are far and away outside the purview and expertise of social scientists subsidized housing activists and theorists. The best organizational chart would group these varied disciplines into appropriate categories receiving specialized representation into People (Social) and City (Renewal). Let the chips fall where they may. Ubiquitous poverty is repellent to members of the Middle and Upper Class. To find themselves surrounded by poverty and blight is their worst nightmare. Urbanists must avoid including any plans or designs that provide or support poverty programs. This should be left to the social activists. Urbanists should not over-reach and attempt to do more than they are qualified for or have the resources to do, especially when duplicating existing organizations servicing that need. Urbanists should refrain from incorporating fuzzy social goals or any other programs that rely on rosy predictions that are hard to objectively justify. Whenever possible, Urbanists should present appropriately analogous models to support their position. Unlike Social Theory, which has applied uncountable programs, ideas and billions of dollars to distressed urban cores, the great majority of which have failed, it has been proven that graphic urban design codes serve as predictable guides for change. Intrusive blight and poverty, and its associated social pathologies are the overwhelming reason Isolated City renewal efforts fail. Isolated City in this context can be defined as a City that has no existing viable and attractive residential, commercial or arts areas to build out from. Isolated Cities are the least likely to have a successful renewal and must pull out all the stops in areas of design and incentives to attract outside stakeholders (Lees, 1985). Regional poor move to areas that have a culture of the poor, where they feel less stigmatized and self-conscious, and can find and bond comfortably with others in familiar situations. The abundance of support services for the poor further encourages settlement. Above all, poor people gravitate to areas where they can afford to live, bringing with them all the psychological and social pathologies of such a tough and sad existence. Concentrations of poverty also are, to a great degree, the end result of old racist traditions, expressed in public policies and business practices decades earlier. Zoning laws, and the open discriminatory practice of suburban real estate agents refusing to sell to minorities, post WWII through the 1970s, established the present ethnic and socio-economic configuration of urban areas and suburbs. This law contains loopholes for developers and communities with an anti low income housing bias. In light of history and current practices, a solid argument can be made for compensation to certain classes and groups who have inherited the terrible ramifications of this process. However, Renewal Funds and plans are an inappropriate source. No Urban Renewal effort has ever received enough funding to do as much as is needed, and cannot take on the added burden of compensating for societys misdeeds. Failed urban renewal cycles are more the rule than the exception, and the heavy and counter-productive hand of poverty services has played a major part in their failures. In some cities however, with every cycle they have become more expert in inserting themselves into the mix. With such limited vision partners unschooled in economics as gate-keepers, it is no wonder that the full complexity, serendipity and dynamics of market forces, investors, individual visions, entrepreneurial endeavors and regional participation rarely gets a shot at involvement before the renewal steam runs out. Social activists truly committed to helping the urban poor should consider helping them relocate out of distressed cities and into settings more conducive to pursuing life, liberty and happiness. Where life is risky, and crime reduces liberty, pursuit of happiness is severely hampered. It is time to form a moral argument free of bile and acrimony and take it to the outlying regions that owe their lifestyles to regional social problem repositories in urban areas. If troubled cities are to make a comeback, the outward migration of urban poor must begin, coinciding with an inflow of self-reliant urban pioneers. Nothing less than a 1960s style movement in scope and argument will do. Considering the historic resistance to minorities and the poor in the suburbs, the argument should be taken to suburban churches first. Presented with a compelling and irrefutable moral argument, these churches must accept it or reveal a moral, ethical and religious hypocrisy. Here, urban community development activists and church organizations have an important role. In a best case scenario, the suburban churches will spearhead the drive for the end of segregation and integration into their neighborhoods (Davis, 2000). Urbanites in communities with strong values should not fear their values will be overpowered by the pathologies of poverty, but instead will be a powerful influence for good to all who are exposed to them. Any City with a publicly assisted populace of more than 20% must create programs to promote an outflow to the suburbs to have any chance of renewal. Cities can begin by freezing growth of the poverty service industry. Inner City residents who move to stable communities can immediately enjoy the benefits of mainstream American life and its opportunities for building social capital, instead of waiting and taking the risk that renewal benefits, years off into the future, may not materialize at all. Minorities can be assured that modern day discrimination is relatively weak, and is based more on behavior than race. No City can accomplish operational self-sufficiency with a subsidized population exceeding 20%. Courts and legislative bodies recognize the deleterious and burdensome effects of a low income housing market above 20%, by capping obligations at this point. The questionable history of subsidized housings premier programs and experienced practitioners should be enough to scare off Urbanists from getting caught up in it. HUD program known as Section 108 which allows block-grant communities to raise money for loans by floating HUD-backed notes, has a staggering 59 percent default rate. Although government programs are expected to make riskier bets than private banks (whose loan-default rates are typically in the low single digits), the stratospheric failure rate of HUD loans amounts to a squandering of millions of taxpayer dollars, since taxpayers are on the hook for these loan guarantees. It is a rare suburb that has a subsidized housing population approaching anywhere near 20%. The higher a Citys low income housing stock, the less the area appeals to potential newcomers who do not depend on public assistance. Helping as many poor to move out of the City and into better neighborhoods is an important social mission that should endure through all times. It is a mission separate from Urban renewal and should not be commingled.

Therapeutic Placebo Effect:A Mind/Body Connection :: Biology Essays Research Papers

Therapeutic Placebo Effect:A Mind/Body Connection Imagine you go to your doctor for chronic back pain and she tells you that she's going to give you a drug, yet she's not sure of its effectiveness because only approximately 40% of her patients have found it to be beneficial. How sure will you be that the outcome of this treatment will be positive? However, what if your doctor tells you she is giving you the newest, most beneficial drug treatment on the market and that she is very sure of how helpful it will be? Imagine the difference just a simple positive statement from your doctor will make when you take the pill every day. Not only will you be trusting of your treatment, but that trust will lead you to be confident (Endnote 1) that you will feel better - and in most cases, you will. This is an example of the placebo effect - a self-made natural healing response of the body. No matter the fact that in both instances your doctor is giving you the same medication, her belief and yours in the treatment will most likely result in more positive effects. Many people argue that alternative methods of healing (such as hypnosis, therapeutic touch, homeopathic remedies, etc) are basically a placebo effect taking place. Yet, doesn't this fact prove the power of our minds both in health and in issues of pain management? Most modern scientists tend to separate the mind from the body, at least implicitly, suggesting the "mind" is simply a construct with little meaning. The one-cause, one- cure philosophy of science today often disregards the role of the mind in health and healing. Yet many of us even daily acknowledge the power of the mind when we say "oh, you're not sick- it's all in your mind". The placebo effect is not totally understood, yet this fact should not lead anyon e to believe that its effects should be discounted. The placebo effect has been documented to be very powerful. A placebo is a medicine or other kind of treatment that seems therapeutic, but in reality is inert and pharmacological inactive (2). The placebo effect is "a change in a patient's illness attributable to the symbolic import of a treatment rather than a specific pharmacologic or physiologic property" (3). Note that a placebo is not even necessary to result in a placebo effect.

The Representation of Tricksters in the Works of Charles W. Chesnutt

Fraud, con-man, and hustler are all modern day terms to describe the age old character in African American literature known as the trickster. Today’s working definition of a trickster is one who swindles or plays tricks; often a mischievous figure in myth or folklore, who typically makes up for physical weakness through cunning and subversive humor. In African American literature the role of the trickster is a reoccurring theme, especially in the time period spanning from post Civil War to the Harlem Renaissance.During slavery and the years that followed the image of a trickster changed from a humorous amoral figure to a cunning and socially conscious icon. Charles W. Chesnutt is a primary example of an author, who faithful employs the trickster motif in many of his published works. Traditionally, the role of trickster often presents itself when there is a powerless group who longs to transcend an oppressive social order (Jefferies, Schramm 20). In African American literature, the trickster is often depicted as someone who has the ability to manipulate situations in his/her favor, despite having little or no power.Rhonda B. Jefferies states that â€Å"the primary goal of the trickster in is social nonconformity by redefining the norms of life and existence in mainstream American society (Jefferies, Schramm 20). † Since its origin in West African culture, the trickster figure has evolved from a folklore icon, mainly in the form or various animals, to an archetype whose behavior is both contradictory and complex. The tricksters reoccurring appearance in African American folklore, narratives, poems, novels and pop culture is no coincidence.It is the trickster’s pursuit of wisdom, cunning or power in an attempt to redefine social order that makes him/her such an attractive icon. The trickster character serves as an inspirational figure for the socially oppressed and has takes on many forms when expressed in past and present literature. Many Afr ican American folk tales, especially those from southern United States, include the appearance of a trickster. In â€Å"Brer Rabbit Tricks Brer Fox Again,† the trickster takes on a classic form of a clever but lazy rabbit.In this tale the rabbit becomes stuck in a well and finagle his way out by convincing the suspicious fox to help him escape. He manipulates the fox to get into the well under false pretenses. By convincing Brer Fox that there is an abundance of fish he needs help catching and transporting out of the well, Brer rabbit was able to leverage an escape, consequentially leaving the fox in his place. It is the rabbit’s quick wit that makes him a quintessential trickster figure in many folk tales across a number of cultures. However, Brer Rabbit is just one of many depictions of a trickster rabbit in folk tales and stories throughout history.A more modern depiction of a rabbit trickster is Looney tunes’ Bugs bunny. The ways in which Bugs utilizes his p hysical endurance and mastery of disguise to deceive his arch enemy Elmer Fudd is a playful interpretation when compared to those in African American literature and folklore. The integration of the trickster in modern culture, whether it be in the form of animal or man, is just one demonstration of the many ways in which this popular character transcends time and culture, to eventually become one of the most reoccurring archetypes in African American literature.Charles W. Chesnutt’s relationship with the trickster archetype is most evident in his collection of short stories with the characterization of Uncle Julius. Uncle Julius appeared in seven of the thirteen short stories that make up Chesnutt’s The Conjured Women. In the collection of stories, Uncle Julius often â€Å"conjures† up his tales from old folklore, in an attempted to persuade or manipulate certain situations to his benefit.The description of Uncle Julius interaction with the John and Annie, the n orthern white couple interested in buying the grape vineyard Julius inhabits, in the â€Å"The Goophered Grapevine,† is a classic example of Chesnutt’s employment of the trickster motif. From Uncle Julius first impression, the audience is under the impression that Julius presence is to provide theatric and entertainment rather than fact or insight. His â€Å"performance† begins with the eating of the scuppernong grapes and ends with his fantastical account on the vineyard came to be bewitched.John, the white northern gentlemen interested in buying the vineyard, is instantly skeptical upon meeting Uncle Julius disregard Uncle Julius account by stating â€Å"At first the current of his memory –or imagination- seemed somewhat sluggish; but as his embarrassment wore off, his language flowed more freely, and the story acquired more perspective and coherence (Chesnutt 607). † The use of the word â€Å"imagination† is a clear indicator that Uncle J ulius is believed to be telling fiction. John goes on to further prove his disbelief when he goes against Uncle Julius’ suggestion and buys the vineyard, and later makes a considerable profit off.John however does take sympathy for the man who had lived and profited off the land and hired him as a coachman. While Uncle Julius is one of Chesnutt’s more memorable characters, he is by no means the only representation of the trickster motif in Chesnutt’s works. Grandison, from â€Å"The Passing of Grandison† is another example of a trickster character from Chesnutt’s collection entitled The Wife of his Youth and Other Stories of the Color Line. In this story, Grandison is a slave from a plantation in Kentucky, who successfully deceives his masters, Colonel and Dick Owens, on a number of occasions.His first act of trickery is when he is being questioned by his old master by assuring Colonel Owens of his contentment on the plantation and his disgust with the anti-slavery ideals of northern abolitionist. Colonel Owens’ intentions were to select a slave his son could bring up north, who had proven to be resistant to abolitionist ideals and the prospect of running away. To Colonel Owens elation, Grandison’s answers not only confirmed his view of a mutually benefits of slavery but went above and beyond to demonstrate a conceivably genuine appreciation of the resources and lifestyle on the plantation.He went on questioned Grandison about the fairness of his treatment and the kindness of his master before promising him a bead necklace for his future wife and deeming him â€Å"abolitionist-proof. † Although the interaction described was only a brief portion of the story it proves to be a pivotal moment in the plot and leaves the audience to assume that Grandison is loyal slave with no intention of running away. But, as we later find out, Grandison was not at all ignorant to the ideals of abolitionism and actually aspi red to be a free man.He eventually achieves his goal as we see in the very last chapter but not without an unexpected twist Grandison then goes on to successfully deceive his young master, Dick Owens, and forges his loyalty several times during their travels to New York, Boston, and eventually Canada. Throughout the journey, Dick Owens provides the Grandison with a number of opportunities to escape by leaving him alone on many occasions and supplying him with money that he could easily utilize to run away. Once Dick Owens realizes Grandison too dense to run away, or so he thinks, he silicates the help of local abolitionist, by writing an nonymous letter. However, Grandison unwaveringly loyal puts a quickly sidetracks Owens ploy to liberate his father’s slave. Day after day Grandison continues report to his young master every morning and night, leaving Owen to pursue more drastic measures. So, Dick Owens decides to leave Grandison alone for a couple of days, with one hundred d ollars to his disposal, in a sly attempt to get Grandison to runaway. Upon his return, Dick Owens finds his efforts were unsuccessful, and with much frustration and annoyance decides to take one last attempt by venturing to Canada, where slaves are free.Nevertheless, Grandison faithfully follows his master orders and does not attempt to runaway, despite the fact there are no laws binding Grandison to Dick Owens in Canada. At this point, the young master decides to gives up his efforts and solicits three men to kidnap Grandison. During this exchange Owens escapes and return to Kentucky alone. Dick Owens concludes that Grandison is too ignorant to recognize his opportunity for freedom and goes on to marry the motive behind his attempt at nobility, Charity Lomax.Once again it is not until the final chapter that the audience learns; it was Dick Owens and his father who proved to be most ignorant. In the final chapter, Grandison surprisingly returns to the plantation tattered and exhaust ed from his journey back to Kentucky. He recounts his story of being gagged and dragged to the â€Å"gloomy depth of a Canadian forest,† where he was locked in a hut and given only bread and water. He appeases his curious spectators by ending his story with his heroic escape and return to the plantation, all the while never revealing his true motives.It is not until Grandison, along with his new wife, family and friends disappears that his intentions to liberate true intentions are revealed. Once thought to be a model servant, blinded by his obedience and loyal dependence, Grandison outsmarts both his masters, by playing into slaveholder stereotypes and common misperception of the south. Grandison’s successful escape with family and friends exposes him as the true trickster. Because of his convincing portrayal of an ignorant and content slave, and willful patients he was ultimately able to turn the tables on his masters and end up the victor in an unlikely turn of even ts.When comparing the presence of the trickster in â€Å"The Goophered Grapevine† and â€Å"The Passing of Grandison,† there are few parallels between the two stories. The general theme of a southern black man deceiving his white superiors apparent in both, but the similarities stop. The two main stories are vastly different in respects to how each trickster if portrayed. Because the audience in â€Å"The Goophered Grapevine† is warned very on early on to be wary of Uncle Julius credibility, he is at a disadvantage.However, Grandison has a very different introduction because he first enters under the impression that he is one of the most loyal and trustworthy slave on the plantation. On the one hand, we have Uncle Julius Characterization as suspicious figure throughout the story from beginning to end, and on the other hand there is Grandison, who appears to be a very pious, simple minded slave with no ulterior motives. Another difference between the two stories is that theatricality proves to be Uncle Julius main downfall, while somehow becoming Grandison’s greatest asset.The introduction and characterization, of Uncle Julius and Grandison, manipulates the audience perception and ultimately determines their success in deceiving and manipulating their audience for their own personal benefit. The trickster, whether presented in modern cartoon or in tradition folktale, is an archetype that continues to reappear in art and literature. The classic depiction of a trickster as a rabbit in old folklore and myths while common is not the only form a trickster may take.Overtime and across cultures, the definition of a trickster changes, but not so much so that it unable to provide an entertaining lesson. The appeal of the trickster to African American writers is the theme of an oppressed group overcoming the challenges of social norms. Charles W. Chesnutt is a prime example of the trickster’s mass appeal, in African American literature. By representing the trickster as Uncle Julius and Grandison in â€Å"The Goophered Grapevine† and â€Å"The Passing of Grandison,† Chesnutt adds to the long history of the trickster as an icon.Work Cited 1. Chesnutt, Charles W. â€Å"Literature Of The Reconstruction To The New Negro Renaissance, 1865-1919. † The Norton Anthology of African American Literature. Ed. Henry L. Gates and Nellie Y. McKay. 2nd ed. New York, Ny: W. W. Norton &, 2004. 604-12. Print. 2. Schramm, Susan L. , and Rhonda B. Jeffries. â€Å"African American Trickster Representations in the Work of Romare Bearden. † JSTOR. JSTOR, Sept. 2000. Web. 29 Nov. 2010. http://www. jstor. org/stable/3193835

Geography of the Gulf of Mexico Border States